Déplacement de M. Laurent Fabius, ministre des affaires étrangères et du développement international,aux Etats-Unis
M. Laurent Fabius s’est rendu aux États-Unis du 11 au 13 mai, à Chicago et à Washington.
À Chicago, sa visite était centrée sur la promotion de l’attractivité de la France. Le ministre a ainsi participé à la Semaine de l’innovation française (« French Innovation Week ») et a rencontré la communauté d’affaires française ainsi que des chefs d’entreprise américains. M. Laurent Fabius a également rencontré le gouverneur Pat Quinn et s’est rendu également à l’Université de Chicago.
À Washington, le ministre a rencontré le secrétaire d’État américain, John Kerry, pour échanger sur l’ensemble des sujets internationaux et notamment la Syrie, l’Iran et l’Ukraine.
Il est intervenu comme invité d’honneur à la conférence annuelle de l’American Jewish Committee. Le ministre français a rappelé la détermination de la France à lutter contre l’antisémitisme et à contribuer à la paix, la sécurité et la stabilité au Proche-Orient.
Il s’est également exprimé à la Brookings Institution et a répondu aux invitations de plusieurs médias.
Intervention de M. Laurent Fabius, ministre des affaires étrangères et du développement international, devant l’American Jewish Committee (Washington, 12/05/2014)
Ladies and gentlemen,
After visiting France, Mark Twain said this : « In Paris they simply stared when I spoke to them in French ; I never did succeed in making those people understand their own language ». I hope I won’t be in Mark Twain’s situation after our dinner !
AJC is recognized for its leadership in the protection of Jewish communities, the fight against anti-Semitism, and Israel security. I am pleased and honoured to be here with you. I commend your commitment to the promotion of pluralism and dialogue. Tomorrow, you will present Moral Courage Award to Mrs Latifa Ibn Zatiem. I pay tribute to this woman who responded to hatred by committing herself to the cause of fraternity and mutual respect.
The French Government applies those principles of peace, dialogue, respect and firmness by combatting racism and anti-Semitism. They are also emblematic of the French diplomacy I am honoured to lead. In these times of international tensions and growing intolerance, we must vigorously defend these shared values.
I would like to address two issues of common interest : the fight against anti-Semitism, and the main priorities of French diplomacy in the Middle East.
Let me start with a few words about France, regarding the necessary fight against anti-Semitism. The French Jewish community, the third largest in the world, is inseparably bound to the French Republic. Revolutionary France, in the 18th century, was the first European country to grant full citizenship to the members of its Jewish community. It is in France, from the 19th century, that so many talented people from Jewish families thrived in the fields of culture, science, politics and as senior civil servants, contributing to the influence of France as well as to the progress of humanity. The first Jewish head of a Western government was the Frenchman Léon Blum, in 1936. In the darkest hours, in October 1940, the Chief Rabbi of France, Jacob Kaplan, responded to the Vichy Government’s anti-Semitic measures by declaring : « We know that the ties binding us to the great French family are too strong to be broken ». France has therefore a duty to itself to guarantee the security of the Jewish community. In the words of President Hollande, « it is the concern of all French people ».
Yet, though a minority, in France as elsewhere in the world racism and anti-Semitism are realities. They constitute a violation of human dignity. This is why, as the French President emphasized last March before the Representative Council of French Jewish Institutions, we are « absolutely intransigent against acts of anti-Semitism, because each one represents a blow to France ».
To this end, France has assembled a legal arsenal which places it at the forefront of the struggle. In the face of this hatred which always keeps taking new forms, we are adapting our system. Notably, we have taken measures to counter racist content on the Internet by giving providers as well as operators responsibility for blocking websites that promote anti-Semitism or Holocaust denial.
We are also focusing on education. The work carried out to educate younger generations on the subject of the Holocaust is a priority. The great Italian writer Primo Levi, a concentration camp survivor, expressed this in powerful terms : « Never forget that this has happened. Remember these words. Repeat them to your children. Or may your houses be destroyed, may your offspring turn their faces from you ». For several decades, France has been committed to promoting this remembrance, in close cooperation with Jewish organizations in France. We will continue to work tirelessly to this end.
Finally, France is, as you know, the birthplace of a notion which is specific but based on universal principles : we call it « laïcité », which can be roughly translated as secularism. Based on freedom of conscience and the neutrality of the State, it ensures that all religions may be exercised freely and that all religious communities as well as non-believers have their place, in mutual respect. It is on this basis that the peaceful coexistence of all citizens is guaranteed on the French territory.
In a few weeks, President Hollande will receive President Obama to celebrate the 70th anniversary of the D-Day Landings in Normandy. We shall never forget the sacrifice made by those young American soldiers, who died for the freedom of France and the world. They are American heroes, they are also French heroes. But this same year will also mark the 70th anniversary of the last departure from France of a train carrying deportees to the Nazi camps. As French President Chirac in 1995 and President Hollande after him both solemnly declared, France has a responsibility in this crime, for the Nazis were unfortunately assisted by some French people and by the French State. France is therefore facing up to the duties imposed by this responsibility. Reparation and compensation mechanisms have been set up for victims of deportation or spoliation. We are currently engaged in discussions with the American Government to organize compensation for Holocaust victims deported from France who were not eligible for benefits of the French reparation regime. These negotiations, which aim in particular to respond to issues raised before American courts, are being carried out in a constructive manner and are progressing rapidly.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Everybody is aware of the AJC’s commitment to peace in the Middle East and Israel security. France is actively addressing the challenges in this region, with the aim of promoting a lasting peace. We have offered our support for the work carried out by John Kerry, also backed by AJC, to relaunch the peace process and reach a fair and definitive agreement. The current break in this dialogue is therefore a source of great concern.
For, on the long-term, there is no satisfactory alternative to negotiations in order to reach a compromise, which will inevitably be difficult. The outline of a peace agreement is well-known : incontestable security guarantees for Israel ; the creation of a Palestinian State on the basis of the 1967 borders, with agreed land swaps ; Jerusalem as the capital of the two States ; and a just and realistic solution to the issue of refugees. In this context, we encourage the Israeli and the Palestinian to refrain from any actions that may prevent the resumption of the dialogue, whether it be settlement activities or the use by the Palestinian of the status acquired at the UN in 2012. Nothing can justify the use of violence. In particular, we cannot admit Israel being subject to threats against its territory, and France condemns the rocket attacks. The security of Israel is not negotiable. But it would be ensured by a negotiated settlement.
An inter-Palestinian reconciliation agreement has recently been reached, which provides for a Palestinian unity government and elections. This is not the first time such an initiative is announced. In any case, we believe that a unity government must meet 3 conditions : expressly renounce the use of violence ; be fully committed to the peace process ; accept all agreements reached with Israel and the ensuing obligations.
Finally, both parties must be aware of the benefits of reaching an agreement, as well as the price of failure. The costs are obvious and heavy. The advantages must be emphasized too : a genuine peace agreement would pave the way towards normalizing Israel’s relationship with 20 Arab countries. And with our European partners, we have proposed to Israel and the Palestinian Authority the creation of a « special privileged partnership » if a peace agreement is reached. This offer, an important contribution to regional cooperation and peace, would fully strengthen Israel’s relationship with the European Union.
Ladies and gentlemen,
We shouldn’t ignore either the threats linked to the regional situation. First and foremost, the Iranian nuclear programme. With its E3+3 partners, France is determined to look for a long-term diplomatic solution to the Iranian nuclear crisis that is satisfactory for international peace and security. But it doesn’t mean that we are ready to accept any solution. Our position is clear and I will sum it up in two sentences : as far as Iran is concerned, yes to civilian nuclear power, no to atomic bomb. We take into account regional and international peace and security, and naturally Israel’s legitimate concerns regarding this threat to its security. France will not allow Iran to obtain nuclear weapons.
Our efforts, and I would say our firmness, allowed a plan of action to be agreed in Geneva in November 2013. By driving Iran to suspend its most problematic activities, this agreement is a step forward. It preserves -which is essential - the core sanctions on finance and oil. They could only be lifted if and when a final agreement is reached. They are our best asset in the negotiation. We are vigilant as regards the fulfilment of the provisions of this agreement.
Ladies and gentlemen, with Iran this is a crucial time and we must return to the basics. Nuclear proliferation is a serious danger to peace and security. We must seek to resolve this issue independently of other tactical considerations. The 5+1 group was mandated by the Security Council to find a solution in line with the requirements of six UN resolutions. This is the so-called dual-track approach regime - heavy sanctions to serve a political process - which today allows us to effectively set out our requirements, and the 5+1 group must remain united as regards its objectives and take up realistic and rigorous negotiating positions which guarantee the exclusively peaceful nature of the Iranian programme.
So, based on this, France, and hopefully our partners in the negotiation, has three principles which we want to see implemented :
1- We need to ensure in each area that Iran’s pledge in the initial Geneva agreement « not to ever seek or develop any nuclear weapons » is fulfilled. This principle must particularly apply to the Arak plutonium reactor, uranium enrichment and centrifuges. And we cannot ignore the ballistic capability to carry nuclear weapons.
2- It is necessary to reach a conclusion about the past, in particular the possible military dimension of the Iranian programme. This is essential to build trust. The IAEA will be entrusted with securing assurances on this issue.
3- Should Iran unfortunately fail to honour its commitments (precedents exist such as North Korea in 2003 and Iran in 2005), it is essential to limit its capabilities to acquire nuclear weapons by providing the international community with sufficient time to break out. This breakout element is essential too.
The action plan allows until 20 July to obtain a comprehensive agreement. Discussions on enrichment will be difficult, but our line is clear : a demanding approach is the only way to verify the exclusive peaceful purposes of the programme.
Syria is another regional threat. While refusing negotiations, Mr Assad is organizing his re-election. This tragic farce devoid of legitimacy doesn’t reduce our determination to halt the regime’s attempt to gain control by military force with the help of Iran and Russia. Unspeakable crimes are committed to achieve this goal : the torturing to death of more than 11,000 people, the bombing of densely-populated areas, the use of famine and rape as weapons of war are all crimes against humanity. France was the first country to raise the alarm. Our firm response - which we had wished even sharper - to the use of chemical weapons, forced the regime to dismantle its arsenal, but the utmost vigilance is required to eliminate the chemical threat.
In parallel, the growing power of terrorist groups is deeply worrying. Despite appearances, the regime, which released their members and spares Al-Qaeda camps, is now their ally and accomplice. This is a threat to the whole world because the jihadist networks will not stop at our borders. The Syrian National Coalition, a responsible partner, and reliable groups which are fighting against our two opponents - the regime and the jihadists - deserve increased support. The path towards peace will be long. We have no magic wand to make this shameful regime, and Russia and Iran, adopt a responsible attitude. But one thing is certain : inaction is not an option.
Before I conclude, I would like to touch briefly on Ukraine, an issue which all of us follow closely. The situation is worrying and volatile. Its implications for international security are serious. Our goals are the de-escalation of violence, the holding of the presidential elections of May 25 and a genuine constitutional reform. Our method can be summed up with two words : firmness and dialogue. Ukraine should be a bridge between the EU and Russia rather than being forced to choose between one and the other. Here again, we have to be very firm
Ladies and gentlemen,
At the time of the Drefyus affair, the great French writer Emile Zola in his famous article, « J’Accuse » praised « the search for light, in the name of humanity which has suffered so much and is entitled to happiness ». This light is what brings us together today and what will guide France’s action tomorrow in just and necessary struggles, such as the fight against anti-Semitism, for Israel security, and for peace and justice. Thank you.-
États-Unis - Entretien de M. Laurent Fabius, ministre des affaires étrangères et du développement international, avec « CNN » (Washington, 12/05/2014)
Q - Laurent Fabius. Foreign minister, thanks very much for coming in. You’ve seen those heartbreaking pictures of what’s going on. An Iranian parliament member just said Assad has won in Syria. The regime will stay, the Americans have lost. It certainly looks like Assad, at least for now, has won.
R - Well, I don’t think so. In fact, everything started in Homs. And it’s because of the reaction of Assad, which was a foolish reaction, very violent, that everything has started. And then today, you have 150,000 dead people.
Q - But he’s still in power.
R - Yes, unfortunately, he’s still in power. Through terror, through the help of the Iranians, of the Russians and of Hezbollah. And what do we have to do ? To support the moderate opposition because we don’t accept the fact that a dictator can be the future of its people. Inaction is not an option.
Q - You know, last week, Mike Rogers, the congressman, the chairman of the House Intelligence Committee, was very knowledgeable. He said that he is most worried about Syria right now because there are thousands of what he called « terrorists involved in a jihadist Disneyland there ».
R - That’s very true.
Q - Westerners have foreign passports. They are training now, and they’re getting ready to come to France, the United States, and elsewhere.
R - That’s very true. And that’s a tragedy. You have on the one hand, Bashar, who is a dictator and on the other hand terrorist groups We can’t support either of them. And therefore, we have to support the moderate opposition. President Al-Jarba was there in Washington a few days ago.
Besides, we have to put these mass crimes and crimes against humanity through the International Criminal Court. France today has asked the Security Council to put them into the International Criminal Court.
Q - But the Russians will veto any of those resolutions.
R - You will see that. Russia can veto them indeed. But it means that they have no consideration for any human life, and we cannot accept this.
Q - All right, bottom line in Syria, Bashar al Assad at least for now is there to stay ?
R - Indeed, in few days this tragic mockery of the election will take place. Bashar al Assad is supposed to be reelected. How can you organize an election under those circumstances ?
Q - All right, let’s talk about Ukraine right now. That’s a huge mess. Obviously not on the scale of Syria, but potentially could be a real problem. There’s been some criticism of France because it’s going ahead with military sales to Russia, even at a time of Western sanctions against Russia, including two warships.
R - Well, first, France has done what it has to do. Now, our hope in Ukraine is to organize presidential election on the 25 of May because when you have such a crisis, you have to organize an election. Then you know the action of the Russians and therefore, we have decided sanctions. And all of us -
Q - But you’re going to go - look, we’re showing you pictures of these warships. These are pretty sophisticated. This is a billion- dollar deal.
R - Yes. These warships, the order dates from 2011. And we have a rule : when there is a contract, it has to be implemented.
Q - So finally Putin is going to get control of these warships ?
R - No. The decision will be taken in next October. But if we come to new sanctions, it has to apply to defense, to finance and to energy as well. Not only to defense.
Q - Are you on the same page as the Obama administration when it comes to future tightening of sanctions against Russia because of Ukraine ?
R - I think so, provided that everybody does the same sacrifices. It’s not a sanction against Europe. It’s a sanction against Russia. You must not forget it.
Q - But there will be a price Europeans will be paying, obviously.
R - Yes. Well, two figures. Out of 28 members of Europe, you have six member states who are depending by 100 percent on Russian gas. And you have seven other countries depending more than 50 percent. That means that you have 13 countries depending on Russian gas – it’s one of the problems, and everybody has to make sacrifices./.
États-Unis - Discours de M. Laurent Fabius, ministre des affaires étrangères et du développement international, devant The Brookings Institution (Washington, 13/05/2014)
« France in an Age of Geopolitical Upheaval »
Thank you, Mr. President, for your kind introduction. It’s a pleasure to be in Washington, one of the very few cities that, surprisingly enough, I had not visited on my own since I became Minister of Foreign Affairs two years ago. The reason is obviously not lack of interest. On the contrary, French-American relations have reached a high point, and our exchanges are extraordinarily intense. The reason I never came is that John Kerry is nearly never here. I was able to catch him in his office at the State Department this morning, but he seemed surprised. Generally our meetings take place in more exotic places like Paris, so it was only time that I repay him the visit.
I’m also happy to be at Brookings, an institution which has blossomed under your leadership. In the late 1990s, Phil Gordon, now President Obama’s adviser for the Middle East, created the Center on the US and France, which later grew into the Center on the US and Europe. Since then, exchanges with French scholars have been sustained. We will make sure it continues.
Let me start this address by a rather dark but hardly surprising assessment. We live in dangerous times because the pillars of the international order are increasingly being questioned. It is not just that the world has grown more complex and interdependent. Although certainly true, that was the story of the two previous decades. The novelty is that various taboos of international life are being broken, making the world more chaotic.
In the Middle East, the taboo against chemical weapons has been shattered by the Assad regime. Next door, Iran is challenging the nuclear non-proliferation taboo, already broken by North Korea. Moral taboos are under stress as well. In Syria, a barbaric regime is using mass crimes and famine to prolong its hold on power. In Africa, the specter of genocide has come back in the Central African Republic or South Sudan.
In Europe, the taboo of State sovereignty and territorial integrity – a cornerstone of world order – was violated by Russia when it annexed Crimea. It is troubling and dangerous to see Russia, a permanent member of the Security Council, undermine its international commitments and ignore its role of guarantor of Ukrainian integrity, offered in exchange for Kiev renouncing nuclear weapons in 1994. That contributes to making the non-proliferation taboo less relevant.
These broken taboos reveal something about our world. They tell us of tectonic shifts happening, even though we don’t know yet their full scope :
On one side, emerging countries are increasingly asserting themselves. Don’t get me wrong : this is a positive trend and a natural process by which great countries such as China and India regain the central place they had for centuries. It would therefore be pointless and counterproductive to try and resist this evolution. But it is true that those countries need to share the responsibilities in sustaining the international order. We see greater contribution by China to African security or the Iranian proliferation issue, and we commend India’s leadership in peacekeeping operations. But we have not yet reached a point where emerging powers would be full-fledged providers of common goods.
The United States and Europe had been the main purveyors of stability over the past two decades, whether in the Balkans or in Africa. But they have largely turned inwards since the 2008 financial crisis. In your country, war fatigue has made the public reluctant to get dragged in international crises, while the Euro crisis focused the attention European leaders on « domestic » issues.
This conjunction created a sort of vacuum, in which, to put it briefly, there is no stabilizing power nor any sufficient regulation to address crises. I am aware that the long-time promotion by France of a multipolar world raised suspicion in the past that it was just a way to contest American centrality in international relations. But we have moved beyond those theological debates as we are now all confronted with what I call a zero-polar world. We need to address this situation with pragmatic solutions.
In this context of geopolitical upheaval and – relatively speaking - power vacuum, France has done its best to adapt and develop a strategy, both to address immediate challenges and to shape a sustainable world system. Indeed, the risk is to play the fireman and treat international crises as a succession of emergencies without being able to reduce their occurrence or to see the larger picture. We need to anticipate more, and change the conditions in which the future itself will be written. That’s why, under the leadership of the French President François Hollande, I have determined four major lines of long-term action for the French diplomacy, which can each be summed up in one word : peace, planet, Europe and growth. Due to time constraints, I won’t go into developing each of those axes, but I would like to give concrete illustrations for each of them :
First, peace. France has been on the forefront of international response to crises and challenges over the past 2 years. We have been side by side with the EU, our American friends and NATO allies on a host of issues, jointly addressing proliferation challenges in Iran and the Korean peninsula, crises in the Middle East or terrorism in Africa. Sometimes, France had to take the initiative on its own to cope with emergency situations. That was the case in Mali when al-Qaeda affiliated terrorist groups threatened to march on the capital. A swift reaction was necessary, and after we helped our Malian friends, with African support, to reconquer their own country, we assisted them in organizing successful elections and setting up a process of reconstruction.
In the Central African Republic, six months ago, disintegration and large-scale religious tensions were threatening lives, and here again, we acted swiftly. In both cases, a UN peacekeeping operation has been approved to take over French and African efforts.
Yet, although we intervened in Africa twice last year, we see each intervention as another collective failure to build robust African capacities. It is for Africans first to take care of Africa’s security. Last December, France committed to supporting the establishment of African rapid deployment capacities. The EU Africa Summit in April echoed this commitment. This morning, John Kerry and I decided to increase our joint efforts to this end.
Then the planet. This covers two dimensions. First, global governance, of which the UN is a pillar. In line with our commitment to international law and multilateralism, we always care to act under the aegis of the United Nations, which remains the key source of international legitimacy. The problem is that the UN Security Council is increasingly paralyzed in the face of mass atrocities. That’s why we suggested the adoption of a code of conduct to refrain from using veto when mass crimes are committed. This would be a voluntary and collective agreement by the 5 permanent members. We are now discussing it with partners, starting with the US, with a view to raising the issue during next UN General Assembly. We are not naïve : it will be very difficult, but we are not ready to accept UN paralysis. Our goal is to put this question on the agenda of the 70th anniversary of the United Nations in 2015.
The planet also means, very concretely, our very survival. We are on the edge of a climatic abyss : if the current trend continues, the rise of temperatures may not be limited to 3.6 degrees Fahrenheit (2° Celsius) above pre-industrial levels, but might reach 7 to 9°F (4-5°C), which would be catastrophic. In this context, the UN Conference on climate change which will take place next year in Paris is a top-priority. The goal is to achieve a post-2020 agreement that should include all countries and be legally binding.
This is ambitious, but there are glimmers of hope. Compared with Copenhagen, climate denial is less audible. The latest US report on climate change was a wake-up call. It demonstrates President Obama’s personal commitment on this issue. The business community is also moving. The shift is not limited to the developed world. China knows it has to act, and it is acting. I discussed it in depth with Chinese leaders. African states are committing to sustainable development strategies. Brazil and South Africa have set ambitious environmental targets. The way to Paris is not easy but it is indispensable and doable.
Third comes Europe. I am aware of the interrogations, and sometimes skepticism in this country about the future of the EU. It its true that the Euro crisis was so serious that, at some stage, the whole fabric of the EU appeared to be in jeopardy. But, by and large, we have overcome this challenge and moved towards a stronger integration. We are now working towards rapidly achieving a banking union and better governance of the Euro Area. We are putting forward new initiatives for a common energy policy and for better collective action in support of economic growth, particularly in the industrial sector.
Beyond this, the main question is whether Europe genuinely wants to be a power and if its nations are ready to share a part of their sovereignty to do so. We, the French, with others, believe that Europe can and must follow this path and we are working to improve our cooperation. Of course, European states will not disappear. But we must strengthen our collective action. We actively take part in all EU peace operations. We also provide reassurance to fellow EU member States when needed, as when we recently sent jet fighters and surveillance planes in Lithuania and Poland or by supporting Estonia in cyber-defense. We are propping up cooperation with Germany : a few weeks ago, I travelled with M. Steinmeier to Moldova and Georgia in order to demonstrate European commitment in the face of Russian pressure. We then continued our journey to Tunisia to express European support to the political transition in this country. The « Weimar triangle » adds Poland to the French-German engine. In this format, we pushed through an agreement in Ukraine in February, which paved the way to changing the situation in Kiev and avoiding a civil war. The first achievement of the European Union is peace in Europe. The Ukraine crisis is a useful reminder that peace is something that should not be taken for granted, even on European soil.
Last but not least, economic growth and renewal. A country that loses economic strength will sooner or later be weakened on the world scene. Its ability to act and follow through will be questioned. While committing to a policy balancing fiscal consolidation with pro-growth measures, we are undertaking structural reforms. We need to invest more to boost competitiveness and spend less to reduce deficits. We are working to give more oxygen to the French economy. That also implies more efficiency on the part of government. We are particularly focusing on supporting French exports and on attracting in France more investments, more business, more tourists, and more students. Since 2012, I have committed myself to these goals. In this spirit, the perimeter of my ministry has been enlarged to include foreign trade and investments as well as tourism.
Before I conclude, I would like to briefly mention what I consider to be two preconditions of success in this strategy :
Strengthening the Transatlantic relationship is necessary. That’s why, besides the economic impact, France is committed to searching for a balanced and ambitious TTIP agreement. This is a complex negotiation and I am aware of the debates on both sides of the Atlantic, but both sides need to move forward.
Getting the emerging powers on board. We often meet with the same difficulty : they consider that the international order is biased in favor of « the West ». We might disagree but we have to take into account this perception. It’s especially true with China, a Security Council permanent member and nuclear-weapons State with a GDP equal to all other BRICS, Mexico, Turkey and Indonesia combined. Like it or not, China is a country we have to work with, without being naïve but with an open mind. That’s why China is a top priority of the French diplomacy, with a view to increased cooperation within the UN and G20 and also on the ground with concrete initiatives in Africa. Since I am in office, I’ve been there 8 times. We also attach a high priority to strengthening our already dense strategic partnership with India.
Let me stress as a final word that French-American cooperation is more necessary than ever to build up a sustainable world order for the 21st Century. We need to do more together and to mobilize our partners to do more with us. Thank you./.
États-Unis - Point de presse conjoint de M. Laurent Fabius, ministre des affaires étrangères et du développement international, et de son homologue américain - Propos de M. Fabius (Washington, 13/05/2014)
(en français et en anglais)
Je suis très heureux d’être ici. Je remercie beaucoup John Kerry de m’accueillir. C’est vrai que je n’étais pas venu ici, sauf pour la visite d’État du président Hollande, mais si je ne suis pas venu ici, c’est que toi, tu n’y es jamais !
John Kerry est à travers le monde, c’est notre cas à tous, et nous travaillons étroitement ensemble. Il n’y a pas de semaine sans que, soit nous nous voyons, soit nous nous passions un coup de fil. C’est vrai que les sujets à traiter sont très nombreux : l’Iran, puisque les négociations recommencent aujourd’hui, les questions qui touchent la Syrie, et nous aurons ensemble jeudi prochain à Londres une réunion des Amis de la Syrie, les questions qui touchent bien sûr l’Ukraine, et puis nos relations bilatérales qui sont très bonnes. Et il y a un point que je veux aborder avec John Kerry, c’est la question du climat, puisque, vous le savez sans doute, l’an prochain la France va accueillir la COP 21, la grande conférence sur le climat, et nous avons en fait 500 jours pour éviter un chaos sur le climat. La situation est très difficile, et très importante aussi, et c’est seulement par l’effort de tous, les Américains, les Chinois, les autres nations - il se trouve que la France présidera cette conférence - que l’on peut arriver à un résultat qui est déterminant pour l’avenir de l’humanité. Je sais que le président Obama et John Kerry sont personnellement très engagés dans cette tâche, et nous allons donc travailler étroitement ensemble sur ce sujet comme sur les autres.
I’m very happy to be with John, there is no week without a phone call or visit between John and myself. We have an agenda with many issues : Iran, because negotiations are resuming today, the question of Syria on which we meet next Thursday in London together. Ukraine as well, and the very important issue of climate change. We have, I said, 500 days to avoid the climate chaos, and I know that president Obama and John Kerry himself are committed on this subject, and I am sure that them with a lot of other friends, we should be able to reach the success of this very important matter.
It’s always a pleasure to meet with John, we are working closely together, we speak either French of English, but the most important point, whatever the language is, is to agree. And that’s the case. Merci./.
États-Unis - Conférence de presse de M. Laurent Fabius, ministre des affaires étrangères et du développement international (Washington, 13/05/2014)
Je vais vous dire dans quel cadre se situe mon déplacement et ensuite je suis à votre disposition pour répondre à vos questions. Je suis donc aux États-Unis depuis dimanche. J’ai commencé par Chicago où j’ai eu l’occasion de me rendre à l’université de Chicago où j’ai été pendant longtemps professeur. Ensuite j’ai rencontré le gouverneur de l’Illinois et j’ai discuté avec lui, puisque maintenant ça fait partie de mon portefeuille, des questions de tourisme. J’ai eu des contacts avec des représentants d’affaires qui investissent en France.
J’ai également inauguré ce qu’on appelle « Innovation week », qui est organisée à Chicago. Comme son nom l’indique, c’est une semaine où on montre les innovations qui sont liées à la France, que ce soient les innovations auxquelles on pense, sur le plan culinaire ou autres, ou les innovations industrielles. En particulier, j’ai assisté à une démonstration tout à fait spectaculaire d’une invention de Valeo, qui est un grand groupe français, et qui permet - c’est un rêve pour nous tous - que les voitures se garent toutes seules. C’est-à-dire qu’on arrive, on dépose sa voiture à l’entrée du parking et la voiture avance toute seule, regarde où il y a des places libres et se gare. Et après quand on revient, on appuie sur un petit bip et la voiture revient vers vous. C’est vraiment spectaculaire et c’est une fierté que ce soit une entreprise française qui développe cela.
Et puis j’ai eu un entretien avec les responsables du Chicago Tribune. Chicago est une ville que je connais bien pour y être allé pendant pas mal d’années et que j’ai retrouvée avec beaucoup de plaisir. Je crois que c’est important que des responsables français aillent non seulement, comme on le fait souvent, à New York et à Washington, mais aussi dans d’autres régions de l’Amérique.
Ensuite je suis arrivé ici hier. J’étais l’un des invités d’honneur de l’American Jewish Committee où j’ai prononcé un discours à la fois sur la manière dont nous, Français, traitions les questions d’antisémitisme et aussi faire connaître nos positions sur les questions du Proche et Moyen-Orient, en particulier sur l’Iran - j’y reviendrai. Et puis j’ai donné une interview à vos collègues de CNN. Ensuite j’ai dîné avec un certain nombre de responsables du tourisme aux États-Unis parce que je veux absolument que nous développions l’accueil des touristes américains en France - ils sont déjà très nombreux. Les Américains représentent la deuxième communauté extra-européenne après les Chinois, mais il y a encore des progrès à faire.
Ce matin après avoir rencontré mon collègue israélien qui avait demandé à me voir, j’ai rencontré de grands éditorialistes de la presse, puis je suis allé il y a quelques instants discuter avec mon ami John Kerry - nous passons la moitié de notre vie ensemble. Et je suis maintenant avec vous. Ensuite j’irai à la Brookings Institution, et puis si j’ai un peu de temps libre, je rentrerai à Paris.
Avec John Kerry, nous avons bien évidemment - même si c’était rapide, mais enfin nous nous téléphonons et nous nous voyons tout le temps - abordé les questions de l’Iran - je vais vous en dire un mot si ça vous intéresse - de la Syrie et de l’Ukraine. Nous avons parlé bien-sûr aussi du Proche et du Moyen-Orient et de l’Afrique. Je n’ai pas besoin de vous dire ce qui s’est passé en Afrique, qu’il s’agisse du Mali ou de la Centrafrique, où le pays qui n’a pas hésité à mobiliser se soldats, au péril de leur vie, pour aller au secours des populations, c’est la France. Donc, qu’il soit bien clair que la France remplit toutes ses obligations, que la France est à la fois pour le dialogue et pour la fermeté. La France fait son devoir, qu’il s’agisse de l’Ukraine ou qu’il s’agisse d’ailleurs.